Assuming that goals of the New Uni are not limited to Amsterdam, it is crucial to involve students&staff from other universities. That will give another legitimate reason to keep Maagdenhuis appropriated; to hold a National Assembly for the New University. If we want a national debate, we need mobilisations, occupations and demands with some level of coordination. United we stand, divided we fall!

Demanding that the current board steps down distracts from the main goals. Yes, they've made a mess out of this, especially the way they handled the occupations. But I think Gunning's reputation is now so tarnished that she will probably have to step down anyway.

Concentrate on the main goals: real influence for the academic community, complete transparency etc. etc.
What if the board steps down? Will the occupation go on? Who will you negotiate with?

Resignation of the board is a short term distraction of the long term goals.

In line with what I belief is fundamental in the demands set forth by the New University, I propose the following (in chronological order):

1: Gaining student support
The UvA is not the only university managed as a company rather than as an institute of knowledge. We could assess if its viable to spread our beliefs in Amsterdam, the Randstad and the Netherlands, and gauge the willingness of other students to help and support us. Importantly, this also includes that we attempt to gain the support of the bulk of UvA (and HvA) students that have yet to participate or even acknowledge what is going on. We could debate on how to do this.

2: Proposing to rewrite the Law: abolish the MUB

Rodrigo Fernandez en Reijer Hendrikse argue in Het Maagdenhuis als profit center (‘de Groene Amsterdammer’,20-03-2013 http://www.groene.nl/artikel/het-maagdenhuis-als-profit-center ) that there are two main causes for the current distribution of power within the public sector in general and the UvA specifically.
• The privatization of public institutions in the mid ‘90s and the subsequent birth of the ‘semi-public sector’. The government allowed free market principles to regulate and dominate the spheres of health care, justice and nature conservation and most importantly for our cause, research and education.
• De Wet Modernisering Universitair Bestuur (English: Law Modernisation Academic Management) implemented in 1998. This law replaces the Wet Universitaire Bestuurshervormingen (English: Law Academic Governance Reform) which was implemented in 1970 shortly after the Maagdenhuisbezetting of 1969. The WUB empowered students and teachers and gave them a voice in the management of the university. The MUB abolished this and weakened the voice of students and teachers into a participatory counsel of advice, and instead centralised power in the CvB.
I believe we should look into the possibilities of bypassing the CvB and Gunning and addressing this as a national rather than a local or specific problem. I suggest to write a proposal to Bussemaker to abolish or rewrite the MUB, hence empowering students and teachers nationwide instead of merely those attending the UvA. We could use the dramatized rhetoric of student demonstrations in 1969, whose actions enforced a law supporting their visions of democratic academic management, to formulate an argument that draws parallels between the occupation of the Maagdenhuis then and today.
3: Gaining societal support
Especially in popularized media such as POW nieuws and Dumpert.nl, but also in news coverage from the NOS and de Volkskrant, the New University is portrayed as an extreme left hippy movement, a formation of rich white kids who ‘should stop whining and find a job’. It could be beneficial to stress that what is happening at the UvA is exemplary for a sphere that stretches from health care to nature preservation. Fernandez en Hendrikse argue that what connects these different spheres – what connects us with the strikers in Oss - is that we are both victims of the growing influence of financial markets, motifs, models and parties. ‘Financialisation as it currently exists parallels the neoliberal reorientation of the state. The government has actively enlarged the playfield for banks and financial institutions by means of deregulation, liberalisation and privatisation.’ Thus, what we fight for might not merely be constricted to universities but addresses a much broader societal tendency.